Jessica Byrona, Jacqueline Laguardia Martinezb, Annita Montouteb and Keron Nilesb
aDirector, Institute of International Relations, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, West Indies; bLecturer, Institute of International Relations, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, West Indies
ABSTRACT
COVID-19 has further weakened the fragile socio-economic fabric of the Commonwealth Caribbean (CC). Economies have been stifled by ‘lockdowns’, and by a global decline in travel and tourism. The result has been higher levels of indebtedness, unemployment and psychological stress, disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations throughout the region. Despite their limited size and resources, CC states have sought to support business and individuals alike, stimulate economic activity and preserve livelihoods. In this article, the authors acknowledge multilateral and regional policy responses, and argue that the present scenario offers opportunities to deepen functional cooperation and build resilience.
KEYWORDS
Commonwealth Caribbean; COVID-19; governance; economy; public policy; civil society; regionalism
Introduction
Since the confirmation of the first case of COVID-19 in the Americas, there has been an epidemiological trend of increasing cases in the region. The evolution of the pandemic has been accompanied by misinformation, excessive information, and by deepening gender, ethnic and economic inequalities (Basile, 2020). The fragilities of public health systems in the region have been exposed and for most of the second half of 2020, the Americas have been considered the epicentre of the pandemic.
This article on the impact of COVID-19 in the Commonwealth Caribbean (CC),1 a small part of the Americas, records the territories’ extreme fragilities as well as their efforts to construct resilient responses to the crisis by strategic use of domestic, regional and global governance, cooperation and diplomacy.2 Our analysis emphasises the significance of their geographies and (relative) remoteness, governance implications associated with small size, and the stark vulnerability and restructuring imperatives that confront export-oriented economies heavily dependent on tourism, air and maritime transport, financial services, remittances and commodities (including fossil fuels) in the contemporary era (Table 1). Currently, there are grim projections about the economic consequences of the pandemic for most Caribbean economies (ECLAC, 2020b; OECS, 2020a).
The case study portrays a relatively successful first phase of containing disease spread and fatalities despite limited health infrastructure and resources (Figures 1 and 2). It also
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Table 1. Economic impact of tourism in CC countries. 2019.
Total Contribution to GDP Total Contribution to Employment
CC countries Percent (%) US$ millions Share (%) Jobs
Antigua and Barbuda 44.7 1.477 44.7 16.654
Bahamas 40.3 5.273 48.1 102.505
Barbados 36.2 1.693 36.4 47.829
Belize 44.7 879 38.9 63.410
Dominica 38 200 34.7 12.202
Grenada 55.8 708 51.6 27.179
Jamaica 34.7 5.467 31.5 388.767
St. Kitts and Nevis 62.6 670 60.2 15.324
St. Lucia 43 1.153 43 34.297
St. Vincent and the Grenadines 46.2 385 42.7 18.901
Trinidad and Tobago 7.8 2.361 9.9 62.067
Source: (Dukharan, 2020), p. 6
Figure 1. Confirmed COVID-19 cases in CC countries (April-August 2020). Source: Coronavirus Resource Centre at John Hopkins University.
captures the challenges of the second phase of increased COVID-19 infections while reopening national borders and relaunching economic and social activity. It demonstrates advantages and drawbacks of the geographical characteristics of these Small Island Developing States (SIDS), and how they have sought to leverage such factors.3
The CC is part of a larger Caribbean space, strongly attached to the geopolitical and geo-economic poles of the Americas. Its experience of the pandemic has been influenced by its location and developments in the surrounding geopolitical space. COVID-19 has highlighted the risks inherent in the region’s manner of integration into the global economy, it has precipitated technological changes and major societal adjustments and it will compound the region’s economic challenges. The pandemic has reconfigured
10,000
7,500
5,000
2,500
Figure 2. Confirmed COVID-19 cases in CC countries (September-November 2020). Source: Coronavirus Resource Centre at John Hopkins University.
regional and national governance in numerous ways, and has influenced the processes and outcomes of national elections in at least three CC polities in 2020.
The article gives an overview of the economic, social and political impacts of COVID-19 in CC states and the national and regional responses. The discussion identifies local and external drivers of public policy, and explores the dynamics of governance processes in pandemic conditions. The final section highlights significant outcomes and emphasises the lessons of COVID-19 for the Caribbean in terms of social, economic and political restructuring.
Economic impact and policy responses
The negative economic impacts associated with COVID-19 for CC territories are linked to the region’s high dependence on tourism and remittances, economic openness and limited resources. Cumulative weak economic growth, high debt and unemployment rates exacerbate the gloomy scenario, particularly for those CC countries that are among the most heavily tourism-dependent economies in the world (Mooney & Zegorra, 2020). UNICEF (2020) estimates an average loss of 27% of formal sector employment in the Eastern Caribbean which would be somewhat lower in countries with higher proportions of agricultural employment.
Most CC countries are trapped in high public debt largeley because of their constant need for funds to repair structural damage from extreme meteorological events. ECLAC (2020a:5) points out that despite achieving primary surpluses averaging 0.8% of GDP in the past decade, government budgets show overall annual deficits averaging 2.5% of GDP. The pandemic has increased financing challenges, which include health service expenditure and social support. These additional costs combined with less revenue generation will further constrict fiscal space and increase debt. Given the widespread adverse economic impacts of COVID-19, traditional donors may be less willing and able to enter into development cooperation agreements and offer assistance to developing countries.
Leveraging support from multilateral development agencies is therefore likely to be crucial to the process of restructuring and rebuilding. CC states have mobilised resources from International Financial Institutions (IFIs) such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Within this context, minimising the cost of such debt while limiting the impact of lending conditionalities on national sovereignty is likely to be a priority concern of policy makers in the short term. In the second quarter of 2020, the IMF, through its Rapid Financing Instrument, the Extended Fund Facility or Special Drawing Rights facility, made emergency funding available to seven CC states in amounts ranging from US$520 million for Jamaica to US$14 million for Dominica (International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2020). Likewise, the Interamerican Development Bank is facilitating a US$34 million loan to Guyana for COVID-19 pandemic purposes (GECOM, 2020).
COVID-19 negatively affects the investment risk profiles of small, open, environmentally vulnerable nations. This has implications for commercial insurance and overall investment costs in the CC which may rise if the costs of financial and other services required to support such investments increase due to external shocks. One example of adverse impacts is the suspension of CC airline services in July and September 2020 representing a major blow to regional connectivity and to employment (Baptiste, 2020; Nanton, 2020).
For economies based on oil and gas exports, COVID-19 has dramatically decreased the demand for energy, due to reduced international and domestic travel. With an excess supply of oil on the international market, prices which have been trending downward since 2015 are not expected to significantly rebound soon. COVID-19 has therefore exacerbated the impacts of decreased government revenues that were already being experienced by CC energy exporters. Trinidad and Tobago illustrate this trend. An increase in the country’s deficit spending has accompanied the decreased contributions of the energy sector to GDP. The budget deficit has increased from approximately TTD 3 billion in 2015 to approximately TTD 17 billion in 2020 (Imbert, 2020). Dependence on the national Heritage and Stabilisation Fund (HSF) was heightened by the global pandemic as it served as a key source of financing for a government stimulus programme that included expanded social assistance, income support programmes and rental assistance for households affected by job loss or salary reduction. COVID-19 accounted for the withdrawal of US$900 million from the HSF between May and August 2020 (Dhanpaul, 2020).
Simultaneously, the scenario brought about by the pandemic (with respect to energy prices) is likely to dampen economic growth in both Guyana and Suriname, although an increase in the international price of gold in 2020 (Business Insider, 2020; Simoes & Hidalgo, 2011) should help to keep their extractive economies afloat. In the case of Guyana, priority must also be given to restoring social and economic stability after recent election-related unrest and violence.
The pandemic has affected production across most CC sectors since health policies designed to contain the spread of the virus restricted the movement of people through quarantines, social isolation and border closures (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a). In the ensuing economic downturn, companies have suffered from declining revenue, credit difficulties and insolvency risks. Labour market conditions have deteriorated. CC economies (minus Guyana) are expected to contract by 7.9% overall in 2020 (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020b, pp. 7–8).4
Throughout the Caribbean, informal sectors often rely on formal sector activity. Persons in these economic spheres are generally uninsured individuals or irregular migrants without access to official business support channels. They are highly exposed to market shocks and have suffered disproportionately from the economic contraction. To cope with the negative economic impacts, CC countries reacted quickly to the initial stage of the crisis. Public resources like stimulus packages and the provision of baskets of goods were channelled to the health sector and used to protect households, support production capacity and employees, and prevent economic collapse (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a). Such measures did not ameliorate conditions for the informal sector.
These measures were implemented to ‘preserve bank liquidity, support commerce and address public and private debt’ (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a, p. 13). Governments relied on fiscal measures to redirect budgets and introduced tax relief and exemption measures. Economic provisions were accompanied by social protection initiatives to cover vulnerable persons (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a). Justin Ram (2020) has argued that there is need to expand and innovate financial services within the Caribbean by creating new instruments to reach underserved, low-income groups, and encouraging entrepreneurship, perhaps through micro-finance facilities. Such instruments could strengthen financial literacy and create opportunities for those in the informal sector to be integrated within the formal economy.
Some CC countries have been better positioned than others to mitigate the economic impacts with counter-cyclical fiscal and monetary stimuli. However, most solutions have been at least partially debt-financed and this represents a major problem for an already highly indebted region (Dukharan, 2020). The effects in each country vary according to the preceding economic conditions and production structures. For countries like Jamaica, recently emerged from IMF restructuring programmes, COVID-19 has dealt a crushing blow to economic recovery efforts. In spite of CC measures, the pandemic is expected to lead to the most severe economic contraction since records began in 1900 (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a). CC economies will be negatively affected by the following phenomena:
● Collapse of global trade, estimated at between 13% and 32% in 2020 (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a, p. 7).
● The global negative impact on services, especially entertainment and tourism, with an estimated drop in 2020 tourist arrivals of between 58% and 78% (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), 2020, p. 21). The hard-hit Caribbean tourism sector accounts for 15.5% of GDP and employs approximately 2.4 million people (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a, p. 11). Recovery depends on how and when borders open.
● Commodity exporters like Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago will suffer from an estimated 20% to 30% fall in energy prices (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), 2020).
● Increased financial vulnerabilities are associated with massive capital outflows in emerging markets and the depreciation of domestic currencies against the U.S. dollar. Financial volatility – measured by the CBOE Volatility Index – rose to all-time highs in mid-March (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), 2020).
● Remittance flows to Latin America and the Caribbean globally are estimated to contract by 15% in 2020 (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a).
Social impact and policy responses
Many social impacts of the pandemic stem from economic closure and its consequences. Other repercussions emanate from restrictions on social activities and networks which traditionally provided supporting buffers. Preliminary evidence shows that poorer sections of the society disproportionally bear the health and economic impacts of the pandemic. The homeless, those without access to running water, migrants, displaced persons, the elderly, persons with disabilities, indigenous peoples and youth face greater risks. Women and children also suffer disproportionately (OECS, 2020a).
The pandemic has exposed the inadequacies of health care systems in the region. Governments have responded by increasing expenditure on health care in many CC countries. Antigua and Barbuda and St. Kitts and Nevis increased their health care budget by 0.5% of their GDP. In Guyana, the allocation made for each of the health and education sectors was 15% of GDP. Some countries provided concessions on the import of PPE and relevant medical supplies to make them more affordable to the public as in the case of Jamaica, St. Kitts and Nevis, St, Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago (IMF, 2020). Countries have largely prioritised containment measures to avoid overwhelming the limited resources of the health sector (OECS, 2020a). The case of Trinidad and Tobago is worth highlighting as it was ranked number one in its response to the early stages of the pandemic on March 12th, 2020, in a report by the University of Oxford. The success of the health system was said to have resulted from an approach which was well-coordinated, collaborative and evidence based (Hunte et al., 2020). Other countries had few cases and a low or zero mortality rate including St Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Dominica and St. Kitts and Nevis.5 Nevertheless, the pandemic will stimulate much-needed reform and improved capacity in this sphere (OECS, 2020a). Several signs point in this direction. Many countries have increased their health budget and local manufacturing of medical equipment and supplies has been bolstered in countries like Trinidad and Tobago. The recognition that coordinated efforts, timely statistical data and other relevant information are critical to successfully navigating health crises means that it will not be business as usual in the health sector in a post- COVID environment. Finally, the pandemic has highlighted to health authorities and the general population the need to prioritise preventative health care and perhaps enforce related measures.
The education sector faces challenges because of school closures coupled with the move to online teaching delivery (OECS, 2020b). In Jamaica, approximately 31,656 teachers and 627,000 students have been impacted by the closure of school (UNESCO, 2020). This has precipitated a dramatic increase in the use of information and communications technology in the education sector, and major disruptions in teaching and learning (OECS, 2020b). Although computer and internet access is high in the Caribbean, 40% of users access it outside the home with only about 50% of households having a computer for home use. Issues around internet coverage and reliability exacerbate the challenges of online teaching and learning (USAID and UNICEF, 2020). CC countries have reported challenges including limited capacity (technical and financial resources) to transit to online learning, the absence of a harmonised approach to enact solutions, negative impact on students’ emotional wellbeing, heightened insecurity and vulnerability and disproportionate access for economically disadvantaged students. Children who depend on school feeding programmes may have experienced reduced nutrition with school closures,6 and there has also been a reduction in the time dedicated to learning (OECS Commission, 2020a, 2020b; Flowers, 2020; UNICEF, 2020; USAID and UNESCO, 2020), in many cases, limited parental support with learning due to low education levels (Flowers, 2020) and disruption of regional certification examinations.
At the same time, the disruption has fuelled responses which could have long- term positive impacts. In its strategic response plan, the OECS proposes to harmonise policy responses among member states, make the transition to a digital education system, strengthen safety nets for students and promote engagement to coordinate interventions. Several countries have embarked on online and blended learning training for teachers during COVID-19 and beyond. Teaching and learning digital technology have been launched or expanded in various countries. Some countries have increased internet connectivity for schools and provided or expanded access to electronic devices for students. These developments will expand the digitalisation of teaching and learning and increase ICT literacy in the CC, which should have spillover beneficial effects for other sectors of the economy (OECS Commisssion, 2020b).
Policy responses to cushion the impact on the most vulnerable have included measures to boost employment in labour-intensive sectors like construction. The preceding section has outlined fiscal interventions aimed at social protection, unemployment benefits and salary support packages. It should be noted that with the onset of the pandemic and new poverty projections, it was estimated that existing social assistance programmes would only cover approximately 11% of the most vulnerable in Antigua and Barbuda and St. Lucia, approximately 30% in Trinidad and Tobago, 43% and 45% in St Kitts and Nevis and Grenada respectively and 76% in St. Vincent and the Grenadines (USAID and UNICEF, 2020). Thus the pandemic revealed the inadequacies of existing social assistance programmes in a crisis. For example, in Jamaica, the US$73 million allocated to the COVID Allocation of Resources for Employees (CARE) programme proved to be insufficient early in the pandemic.
While devising new emergency measures, many CC governments expanded existing programmes to meet demands arising from the adverse pandemic effects. Some examples include Antigua’s COVID-19 Government Assistance Food Voucher Programme which is an expansion of the GAP (Social Safety Net) programme (UNICEF and UN Women Eastern Caribbean, 2020a; IMF, 2020). St Vincent and the Grenadines expanded social safety net programmes and St. Kitts and Nevis provided additional support for its poverty alleviation programme (IMF 2020). Grenada expanded the government employment programmes while Barbados expanded unemployment benefits to self-employed workers, vertically expanded National Assistance payments and broadened horizontal coverage under the National Assistance programme (UNICEF, 2020).
However, the IDB’s prognosis is that despite their mitigating effect, ‘safety nets coverage are also a source of inefficiencies in the public spending system … leakage is significant’ (Beuermann et al., 2020, para. 6). Some administration and implementation difficulties that were experienced suggest that states should guard against inventing too many new programmes in times of crisis and focus on channelling support through existing programmes (Mera, 2020, p. 14).
The pandemic has highlighted the dangers of neglecting social development and underscored the need to address development holistically. There is particular need to focus on vulnerable groups by boosting and maintaining social protection measures, supporting and advancing the rights to health, safety, and dignity for persons with disabilities (OECS, 2020a) and the elderly. Civil society organisations’ participation has also proven to be vital as they are well-placed to link health to broader development challenges and to facilitate bottom–up solutions. In general, civil society actors have a long track record of supporting or complementing the state in delivering health services to the citizenry. They do so independently or in partnership with the state. Scholars argue that civil society actors play a vital role in the sphere of health (Doyle & Patel, 2008; Smith et al., 2016; Storeng & Puyvalle, 2018). Smith et al. (2016) argue that civil society can make strong moral arguments to push governments into action, foster collaboration with other sectors to support health, innovate new policy alternatives and promote legitimacy of health initiatives and institutions. They may also strengthen health systems, foster accountability, guard against the pursuit of commercial interests in health and elevate rights-based approaches. Their role has been recognised in international documents which acknowledge health as a basic human right and emphasise participation of the individual and community in health policy design as a civic right and duty (PAHO and WHO, 2017). UNAIDS Caribbean has urged Caribbean governments to include relevant CSOs in the decision-making and planning processes for meeting the needs of their most vulnerable populations and to provide support to these groups (UNAIDS, 2020).
The CC COVID response has been largely dominated by the state with CSOs calling for inclusion in some countries. For instance, Civil Society Bahamas called for CSO inclusion in designing the national plan for country’s future (McKenzie, 2020), while the St. Lucia Bar Association lamented the lack of public consultation on the COVID-19 (Prevention & Control) Bill, 2020 (CNG News, 2020). However, there are cases of state-civil society collaboration. In Guyana, several CSOs are engaged in work of National Emergency Operations Centre, part of the national framework to combat the virus (GECOM, 2020). Other examples include the Women’s Institute for Alternative Development in Trinidad and Tobago launching a mask production project funded by the private sector (Attzs, 2020) and GROOTS Trinidad and Tobago provision of meals to affected persons and advice to citizens trying to navigate government assistance schemes (UNAIDS, 2020). Some CSOs have sought to insert their agenda in governments’ responses. The Healthy Caribbean Coalition (HCC) urged governments to take urgent action to protect persons living with NCDs from COVID-19 (HCC, 2020), while the Cropper Foundation in Trinidad advocates linking health challenges to the environment and broader development agenda (LoopNews, 2020). The UWI Institute for Gender and Development Studies has campaigned for governments to provide better resources for CSOs providing safety and shelter for domestic violence victims, also critiquing the lack of gender expertise on the Trinidad and Tobago Post-COVID National Recovery Committee (The UWI St Augustine, 2020).
Caribbean electoral developments and the role of the state
COVID-19 struck in an extremely active electoral year for the Caribbean (McDonald, 2020). The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) notes an initial worldwide tendency in 2020 to postpone elections based on health and electoral integrity concerns. This changed as appropriate organisational responses were developed. IDEA’s survey also shows declines in voter turnout in 2020, compared to the statistics for 2008–2019 (International IDEA, 2020). Except for the outlier state of Guyana, both observations are relevant to the Caribbean. COVID-19 served to bring forward some national polls, while others were delayed due to the states of emergency imposed in selected countries.7 The virus dramatically eroded the social and economic context in which elections were being held, shifting the primary concerns of the electorate, the discourse of the candidates, conduct of campaigns and polling.
During 2020, eleven Caribbean states or territories have held elections, among them six CC states.8 While four incumbent administrations (Jamaica, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines and Trinidad and Tobago) were returned to office, new administrations elected in Belize and the South American Caribbean may influence evolution in national and regional policy-making.
The circumstances of the Guyanese election were distinct from all others. Historical socio-political forces coupled with the high economic stakes at play set the stage for this poll to degenerate into a bitter, long drawn-out stalemate, creating an additional crisis on the regional agenda. During the pandemic, CARICOM member states, regional organisations and civil society devoted considerable time and resources to facilitate a peaceful, democratic transition of power in Guyana (Larocque, 2020). This finally happened on 2 August 2020.9
Other elections were affected by the pandemic in various ways. Some electoral debates were cancelled. Campaigning was modified for social distancing, virtual engagement with voters outweighed the usual large assemblies and house to house campaigns. Nonetheless, there were reports of post-election infection spikes in Trinidad and Jamaica (Figure 3) (Allen, 2020; The Economist, 2020; Robinson, 2020; Stabroek News, 2020a). Closed borders in St. Kitts and Trinidad prevented voters overseas from returning home to vote. Electoral observation was also reduced. While observation took place in St. Kitts, St Vincent and Belize, neither Commonwealth nor
Figure 3. Confirmed COVID-19 cases in CC countries that held elections (November 7). Source: Coronavirus Resource Centre at John Hopkins University.
CARICOM observers were present in Trinidad and Tobago due to the financial and quarantine constraints of organising missions (Taitt, 2020). Finally, in Jamaica, there was a historically low voter turnout of 37% with public health fears cited as one possible factor (Thompson, 2020). Voter turnout was highest in the three CARICOM countries where governments were replaced (ranging from 70% to 82%) and ranged from 67% to 58% in all other jurisdictions except for Jamaica.10
COVID-19 influenced electoral discourse in other ways. It broadened voters’ yardstick for assessing leadership (Sunday Express, 2020; Wyss, 2020). In addition to the continued importance of longstanding societal concerns – the economy, citizen security, corruption – the ratings of some incumbent administrations may have also been affected by public perceptions of their management of the pandemic, social protection issues and the economy. Some governments, possibly anticipating the onset of sharply deteriorating economic conditions, brought elections forward, and may have benefited from favourable public health results during the first phase of COVID-19.
During COVID-19, prominent women, including Barbados’s Prime Minister, have supported global humanitarian initiatives and have been portrayed as good practice examples of female leadership (Rodriguez, 2020; Wilkinson, 2020). However, CC electoral results during this period give mixed messages about women’s political representation in the Caribbean. Although Jamaica elected its highest ever number of women parliamentarians, there are only five female ministers out of 28, while the St. Kitts and Nevis cabinet features only two women among 11 ministers. The Trinidad and Tobago administration almost reached parity with nine female ministers out of 21. Guyana has an electoral quota system and 25 of its 65 parliamentarians are female.11. Belize has two women ministers and three female parliamentarians while St. Vincent has no female ministers. Nonetheless, all these national elections saw an increased presence of new and more youthful political representatives. COVID-19 has highlighted longstanding Caribbean gender inequality issues, especially the prevalence of domestic violence and the pressures faced by women struggling with child care and income generation during lockdowns and school closure. It remains to be seen how these issues will be addressed in the next iteration of national and regional politics.
Globally, COVID-19 has precipitated a major rethink of the state’s role and priorities for state/societal relations. Casas-Zamora (2020) argues that effective governance systems and real institutional capacity to cope with crisis and uncertainty have emerged as essential requirements for the state, regardless of its form. ECLAC, UNDP and other multilateral agencies continue to highlight that socio-economic inequalities are major risk factors in the pandemic and exhort countries to build social resilience by focusing on the needs of their most vulnerable populations. The Caribbean has also been exhorted to sharpen its focus on environmental protection and sustainability and continue building resilience to natural disasters as key components of the rebuilding efforts in an environmentally sensitive and extremely climate-sensitive region (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), 2020a,b). Environmental sustainability, along with social inclusiveness must be central components of the economic rebuilding process.
The foregoing discussions have underscored the extent to which public health security depends on partnership and consensus-building between state and society. Scholars have long suggested that characteristics of small-scale societies include high levels of social cohesion, frequency and informality of consultation among elites and the public, as well as the pervasive presence of government (Sutton, 2007). We contend that these characteristics, as well as historical experiences of coping with natural disasters were leveraged by CC states in confronting the political dimensions of COVID-19.
The pandemic elevated the portfolios of health, education and social protection, challenging the CC state to focus more on human security, and on transparent communication that engenders citizens’ trust. Many states adjusted their practices in the areas of communication, law enforcement and to the extent possible, social protection. There is evidence of more structured government communication strategies and processes. Most CC states sought to break down administrative silos by appointing national coordinating committees comprising executive actors, public health and national security officials and featuring other key departments when necessary. Some countries also established national and/or regional recovery task forces to address the social and economic fall- out of the pandemic. Communication strategies included frequent press conferences, public announcements and regular gazettes with updates on the epidemic and new government regulations, and extensive public education about the disease and health and safety protocols. Such measures were aimed both at educating and at neutralising the impact of misinformation.
Other more coercive actions concerned measures to restrict population mobility through shelter in place measures, curfews and national or localised economic lockdowns. Ten states, especially between March and June 2020, imposed national or localised states of emergency to enforce public compliance with prohibitions against the frequenting of bars, beaches and other recreational places. All countries temporarily banned religious gatherings. CC states closed their borders for varying durations and have since maintained public health-related border protocols. Many measures, although coordinated by the state, were policy recommendations from regional and global public health agencies, based on available scientific information. COVID-era governance has driven increased consultation with private sector and civil society entities in quest of proposals and feedback, and to generate greater acceptance of ‘the new normal’ by the population.
Issues that have generated public anxiety and critical debates on human rights and health security include the situation of nationals stranded abroad during national lockdowns and states’ slow progress in formulating appropriate consular and other repatriation arrangements.12 Another issue, with particular relevance to Trinidad and Tobago, and on which there are contending human rights and national security perspectives, concerns the state’s responsibility to migrants and asylum seekers during the pandemic.13 Other themes that arguably may surface in CC political debates in future include the adequacy of existing constitutional or legislative instruments in many CC states to respond flexibly to such emergencies, and the extent to which bipartisanship was drawn on as a resource available to CC states during national crises.
Regionalism: indispensable dimension of CC public action
‘If ever there was a time that we understand the importance of these regional institutions, it is now’ (Mottley, 2020).
In CC small states, regional cooperation has historically underpinned and bolstered limited national capacity through resource-pooling and coordinated responses. It has also been used to manage asymmetrical power relations. CC regionalism often gets critical reviews for having fallen short of its potential (Bishop & Payne, 2010; Byron, 2014; Girvan, 2010), although CARICOM is viewed as one of the hemisphere’s most stable regional groupings. Indeed, a positive indication of CARICOM’s maturity as a regional governance institution and the quality of its recent leadership is that regional governance processes have not faltered during the pandemic despite several national elections, the inevitable distractions of the electoral cycles, and occasional policy differences among governments in the handling of the crisis.
Caribbean regionalism has rested on two main drivers, political summitry and functional cooperation activities (Byron, 2016; Collins, 2008). In the case of CARICOM, both went into high gear during COVID-19 under the energetic chairmanship of Barbados PM Mottley (Bardouille, 2020; Knight & Reddy Srikanth, 2020). CARICOM has played a major role in managing the pandemic in the region by harmonising the responses and policies relating to COVID-19, pooling resources and representing the region’s agenda in global and regional fora and in various bilateral and multilateral partner meetings.
Between February and July 2020, CARICOM Heads of Government held five formal meetings, several informal consultations, meetings of their executive Bureau and of the Council for Human and Social Development (COHSOD) (Larocque, 2020). Such intense caucusing was facilitated by advances in the use of videoconferencing technology which have profoundly changed the modus operandi of CC regional cooperation. Regional and global multilateral agencies joined forces to provide coordinated responses, expert advice and material resources in the areas of public health, border management, food security, transport and supply logistics, research data and financial support. They included Caribbean Public Health Agency, Caribbean Disaster and Emergency Management Agency, Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute, Caribbean Development Bank, Implementing Agency for Crime and Security, The University of the West Indies, OECS and its agencies including the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank, PAHO and the World Health Organisation.
CC states agreed in April 2020 on joint responses to the pandemic in public health, the regional economy and food security. They committed to strengthening the digital infrastructure for health, commerce and e-governance more generally. They agreed to adopt joint procurement procedures for medical supplies and personnel for COVID-19 (Caribbean Council, 2020a; CARICOM Secretariat, 2020). In May 2020, the Heads of Government agreed to consider a joint approach prepared by a regional inter-agency working group to open borders, negotiate with the cruise and airline industries and to reopen tourism and other economic sectors (Caribbean Council, 2020b, 2020c; CARICOM Secretariat, 2020). In September 2020, the Heads of Government agreed to initiate a regional travel bubble with CARPHA-recommended operational procedures and eligibility criteria. It was argued that Barbados and the OECS countries currently meet the criteria, other states may join later and this would stimulate air links and revive intraregional mobility and connectivity (Stabroek News, September 2020b). However, this proposal has not been implemented and regional mobility remains a major challenge at the end of 2020.
A substantial part of CARICOM’s response has been implemented via CARPHA, the CC regional public health agency that has been in operation since 2013 and the region’s collective means of effectively addressing the changing nature of public health challenges. CARPHA’s key actions have included the coordination of a regional response; the issuing of situation reports and press releases to stakeholders; the preparation of travel, air and seaport guidelines; working with IMPACS on a Security Cluster for passenger tracking. Other crucial contributions have been the provision of COVID-19 testing services and regular laboratory updates, the tracking of COVID developments, and the training of CC health personnel (CARPHA, 2020; Interamerican Development Bank (IADB), 2020).
CC states harnessed their regional/interregional networks as platforms for greater diplomatic visibility and impact during the pandemic. CARICOM’s coordinated use of multilateral diplomacy bore fruit first in the close working relationship with the WHO and PAHO and the committed scientific and technological support received from both agencies. Additionally, CARICOM, through the good offices of the WHO and the African members of the Africa Caribbean Pacific Group was added to the African Medical Supplies Platform, which guarantees supplies of COVID-19 medical equipment at competitive prices, another focus was their collective lobbying of the IFIs to consider the vulnerabilities of highly indebted middle-income developing countries, provide debt relief and relax the criteria for development assistance (CARICOM Secretariat, 2020). The Heads of Government also called for the lifting of sanctions on Venezuela and Cuba on humanitarian grounds, and lamented resource challenges being faced by the WHO (Caribbean Council 2020a). CARICOM’s cooperation agreements with Cuba resulted in over 650 Cuban medical professionals being provided to the various CC states to reinforce local resources (MINREX, 2020). Bilateral diplomacy has garnered cooperation and support during the pandemic from many countries in the form of medical supplies, protection for stranded CARICOM nationals, and broader economic support. COVID-19 has undoubtedly galvanised CARICOM’s capacity for a coordinated crisis response.
It has given a sharp reminder of the imperative for strong, effective Caribbean regional institutions. At the same time, events have also demonstrated the continuing limitations to the process, as attempts to coordinate border and economic reopening and to present a united front to significant sectors, like the travel industry, have faltered (Caribbean Council 2020b, 2020c). The acid test of the new regional impetus will come as economic crises deepen and national administrations risk becoming so engulfed in domestic challenges that regional integration and coordination are once again placed on the back burner.
Another avenue for regional cooperation has been provided by the Association of Caribbean States (ACS). ACS Foreign Relations and Health Ministers met in March 2020 to explore joint responses and strategies to address the pandemic. This was followed up by a meeting in April of ACS Founding Observers – Central American Integration System, CARICOM, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean,
Latin American Economic System, Caribbean Tourism Organisation and Central American Integration System – to exchange experiences and ideas for a better regional coordination response. The ACS provides the perspective of the Greater Caribbean and facilitates cooperation and communication among the subregional actors (Asociación de Estados del Caribe (AEC), 2020).
Concluding observations and key lessons
COVID-19 precipitated societies into new ways of living. The economic disruption exposed the profound interdependence woven by contemporary globalisation, and the risks for the CC of heavy dependence on the tourism and travel sector, labour migration and remittances. It showed the vulnerabilities of global production networks and the necessity of diversifying suppliers, preferably exploring possibilities in closer proximity. Caribbean actors should focus more on promoting intraregional trade, deepening economic links with Latin America, and strengthening functional cooperation and regionalism. In terms of addressing external shocks to the fragile small island economies that characterise the region, the pandemic is a ‘defining moment for the regional grouping’s reorientation’ (Bardouille, 2020, p. 2), one which underscores the necessity of regional functional cooperation and foreign policy coordination.
Caribbean governments played key roles in confronting the pandemic and adopting a panoply of public health security strategies. However, future public policies need to go beyond facing the pandemic’s immediate impacts. Social and economic reconstruction in the Caribbean demands policies concentrated on reducing income inequality and social marginalisation, creating jobs, diversifying narrow economic bases, integrating digital technologies so as to add real value to education and administrative systems and productive sectors, and adopting sustainable patterns of production and consumption (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), 2020).
The responses that have been implemented should push Caribbean governments and regional institutions to further rethink public policies and protocols and build their resilience to cope with future health emergencies and post-emergency scenarios. Statistical collection and data monitoring systems should be strengthened to enable policy-makers and planners to better understand the synergies between health and societal wellbeing in general.
The current global pandemic occurred partly because of human abuse of the natural environment, specifically via the illegal wildlife trade. This also happens in areas of the Caribbean. The pandemic presents an opportunity to rethink our relationship with the environment, particularly in terms of the threats to human life and biodiversity brought about by poor regulation. It is time for the Caribbean, as an environmentally vulnerable and climate-sensitive region, to find comprehensive ways of accounting for and better regulating the impact of human activity on its natural environment. This is particularly important as most CC states will be looking to diversify their economies and reduce their reliance on tourism and commodity exports.
The findings of the paper confirm the need to embrace multidimensional development concretely and pursue human welfare as the central goal of development. Economic growth, while essential, will not automatically bring social development. The latter must be deliberately and strategically pursued. Despite their long-standing advocacy for broader notions of development as policy drivers, Caribbean countries were caught off guard by the crisis. Inadequacies in the region’s education, health and social protection systems were laid bare early in the pandemic. Notwithstanding the stellar efforts of governments to mitigate adverse social impacts and prevent systemic collapse, gaps were apparent. The COVID-19 crisis presents an opportunity to re-engineer governance models, reimagine the social contract and explore how to provide a stronger social safety net for the population in general. An ideal people-centred approach should be institutionalised to withstand changes of government, it should balance the needs of people with physical infrastructural development, and social protection should be equitable, inclusive, participatory and bottom up.
Notes
- There are twelve independent Caribbean member states of the Commonwealth – Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St Kitts and Nevis, St Lucia, St Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago.
- Resilience is understood here as the policy-induced ability of an economy to withstand or recover from the negative effects of external shocks (Briguglio et al., 2009). We extend this somewhat to discuss social as well as economic resilience.
- Island geographies lend themselves to measures like border closures and quarantines. Anecdotal evidence suggests that continental CC territories experienced greater challenges with border security management as infection rates escalated in neighbouring countries. The downside of long-term closure is that CC open economies depend heavily on importation, international tourism and travel, labour migration and remittances, activities which emphasise mobility and an umbilical cord relationship with the global economy. Hemispheric geopolitics have exercised cross-cutting effects on the CC, facilitating cooperation with hemispheric neighbours, but also requiring skilful manoeuvring through the cross-hairs of deteriorating US-China relations and growing hegemonic pressure on actors in the Greater Caribbean.
- Guyana’s exploitation of recently discovered offshore petroleum resources is projected to generate GDP growth of 44.3% in 2020 (ECLAC, 2020b: 8).
- St Lucia recorded 171 cases and 59 recoveries. It registered its first death on 10 November 2020 and up to the time of writing has had two deaths. St Vincent has recorded 78 cases, Dominica 68 cases, Grenada 32 cases, St Kitts and Nevis 19 cases, all with no deaths.
- In Belize, about 25% of surveyed households indicated skipping of meals or reduced food intake.
- Examples of both circumstances include the Jamaican government calling national elections six months before they were constitutionally due, while in St. Kitts and Nevis, elections due by March 2020 were postponed until June due to the challenge of organising the poll during a state of emergency.
- Anguilla, Belize, Bermuda, Dominican Republic, Guyana, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago.
- Ensuring a peaceful resolution to the political crisis in Guyana assumed great significance for the Caribbean Community, as for the Commonwealth and the Organisation of American States, because of the region’s democratic norms, because of the location of the CARICOM headquarters in Guyana and because of Guyana’s growing socio-economic significance in the region and the hemisphere (Trotz & Bulkan, 2020; Larocque, 2020).
- Sources: CARICOM Secretariat; Caribbean Elections; Guyana News and Information; Stabroek News; GECOM; Trinidad Express (2020); St. Kitts-Nevis Observer; RJR/Gleaner; Caribbean Council (2020); Belize Electoral Council (2020); Nation News.BBC; Electoral Commission of Jamaica (2020); Electoral Office Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines (2020)
- There are many critiques concerning the shortcomings of Guyana’s party list quota system. See Hosein & Parpart, (2017), and Faieta, McDade and Arias, (2019).
- This is a sensitive issue in CC SIDS with high migration and remittance profiles.
- Trinidad is the only CC state to have taken the initiative to provide temporary residence and work permits for over 15,000 Venezuelan migrants in July 2019. Its geographical proximity to Venezuela, coupled with the deteriorating humanitarian situation there and the challenges of the pandemic mean that Trinidad is caught between national security concerns and humanitarian considerations (Amnesty International, 2020; Caribbean National Weekly, 2020; United Nations High Commission for Refugees, 2020).
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
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